James H. Campbell represented Schuylkill County in the United States House of Representatives as the nation descended into political chaos in the winter of 1860-61.
On December 20, 1860, South Carolina announced its attempt to secede from the Union, creating a constitutional crisis that appeared to be spinning toward civil war. The attempt at secession followed the election of President Abraham Lincoln, an anti-slavery politician who sought to prevent slavery’s spread into the western American territories (though he believed he had no power as president to touch it where it existed under state law).
Lincoln’s election was an event cheered by extremist Southern politicians (known as Fire-eaters) who sought to create a slave-holding republic in the American South. Their efforts created an environment where the secession movement became a significant political force in the South.
Following its announcement of secession, South Carolina militia units seized Federal property and fortifications around Charleston.
The United States Army garrison at Charleston retreated into Fort Sumter, a man-made fortification at the center of the channel leading into the Port of Charleston. An armed siege began, with South Carolina forces threatening to fire on any ship attempting to reinforce or resupply the garrison.
In Washington, the US capital was in chaos as the political crisis worsened. On January 3, 1861, Representative Campbell wrote a letter home to his political allies in Pottsville. The Republican elected official wrote to Benjamin Bannan, the editor of the Miners’ Journal, and to Bannan’s subscribers.
Campbell explained the situation at Washington and his position on what to do about the present crisis. His letter is a great example of the political thinking present in Pennsylvania and across the North in the wake of Southern secession.
Washington, D.C., January 3, 1861
MESSRS. EDITORS –
On New Year’s morning things presented a more cheerful aspect here. The general belief that the Administration had taken the necessary steps to enforce the laws, and protect the property of the nation, gave general satisfaction.
But this morning a different state of things prevails. It is widely circulated and seems to be authentic, that the orders to reinforce the gallant Anderson, and to recapture the national property at Charleston, obtained by the urgent solicitation of General Scott and Attorney General Stanton, have been countermanded. You may judge of the indignation which is the necessary result of this weak and treasonable conduct.
In the progress of nations events arise in which an appeal to arms may become necessary to preserve the life of the State, as well as to protect persons and property. Such a crisis, in the minds of many judicious statesmen, have we now reached. The issue has been forced upon us by desperate and rebellious men. We may all deeply deplore this state of things, but we cannot avoid it if we would – certainly not without moral and political death, degradation and dishonor.
True men will not flinch before the present trial. While on the one hand they will show all possible disposition for constitutional and fair adjustment; on the other they will not sacrifice one principle of political truth, nor one iota of that line of policy which is essential to the great future, and glorious destiny of this grand nation.
We must meet the issue thus forced upon us as our fathers met the crisis of the Revolution – firmly, justly, and patriotically.
A poisonous and terrible conspiracy exists, and has existed, as its authors boldly proclaim, for many years, to overthrow the government of the United States, and to form a hostile and despotic State out of its ruins. This conspiracy now boldly avowed, holds within its grasp the miserable imbecile who is at the head of the Executive Branch of the Government, and has drawn into its fatal circle ministers of the General Government. It rears its horrid front in the Capitol of the nation, and has wide spreading ramifications in the States and cities of the Union.
It has controlled the Administration of the country, and seeks to grasp the sword of State, if it has not already secured, as well as the purse of the nation. It forces terms upon those who are sworn to uphold it, threaten those who sit in high places, has placed the army beyond the reach of the Executive arm, has scattered the Navy around the world, has seized upon the forts and property of the nation, and threatens the Capitol itself.
Its pretenses are as various as they are false. Its movements as bold as they are subtle. In open and unblushing rebellion in some of the States of the Union, it labors unceasingly to precipitate revolution in others. It seeks to bring contempt upon the greatest nation on the face of the earth, by claiming that it is a failure and a curse, thus lowering our self respect, confidence, and security at home, and inviting attack upon us from abroad.
The Union is to be destroyed, the flag dishonored, violence, anarchy, and confusion to prevail? Shall the glorious inheritance of our fathers be thus wrested from us by a band of traitors, and this most blessed Union, the glory of the earth, be dashed to atoms? Forbid it patriotism; forbid it reason.
While I am willing to unite with any good and union loving men for the adjustment of existing difficulties, and to secure to the people of all sections their just, fair, and constitutional rights, and consider it of the first importance at all times to carry out existing laws in good faith, as well as to remove all unconstitutional obstructions to their execution, yet I very much doubt whether the time for compromise has not passed away.
Concessions to traitors with arms in their hands cannot be made.
To make them is to permit the government to be coerced. The necessity of showing the nations of the earth, as well as our own people, that the government of the United States has power to maintain its authority, is now of paramount importance. This question rises in majestic proportions above all others. It stands right in our way and must be decided.
Adjust, temporize, put of the day, and leave this question in doubt, and you invite renewed threats, and future rebellions that will in the end prove fatal to the Republic. You will but cast a doubt on the capacity of man for self-government, and invite the attack as well as the contempt of mankind. No, if it must be, if reason will not return to a portion of our Southern brethren, if they will insist on forcing this dire calamity upon us, let us now by a firm and wise exercise of all the power necessary, show that we are a nation, with all the nerve and all the patriotism necessary to preserve intact, the constitution and laws of the country.
All other questions are of secondary importance to this. The life of the nation is in peril. The ship of state is amid the breakers. Let us first rescue the gallant old vessel, and then when order shall be restored we can proceed to adjust the differences between the sections, if any necessity for adjustment shall be shown, on a firm, rational, and constitutional basis. Panic legislation will amount to nothing. Legislation procured under coercion, if such a thing were possible, would amount to nothing.
The citizens of Pennsylvania are a just people. They will render to all sections of the country their constitutional rights. Insisting on these for themselves they cheerfully concede them to others. Our motto is “equal and excel justice to all sections.” Having no stain of injustice or obstructive legislation upon her garments, acting in good faith herself, and expecting it of others, ready to assert her dignity, and to stand by the institutions of the country, Pennsylvania, if it must be so, will be found true to the Union, and the laws of the land with all her treasure, and with all her sons.
There is no such right as secession known to our form or theory of government. Secession is rebellion, and armed rebellion is treason. The government of the United States is a government of the people – a nationality supreme within the limits of the powers conferred upon individuals. It does not conflict with any State government, each being distinct, and each supreme within their respective jurisdictions. South Carolina does not, and cannot secede from the Union, but a portion of the people within the limits of the territory of South Carolina, are in armed rebellion against the government and laws of the United States.
To permit these people to set up an independent government within the limits of the United States would be to destroy the Union, and to invite other portions of the country to set up for themselves. We would soon find ourselves in condition of the weak and waning states of Mexico, or of South America.
The same state of things will inevitably arise if we permit two independent confederacies to be established within the present limits of the United States. One free and one slave – one establishing a system of protective tariffs, the other advocating free trade – conflicts on the border arising from hostile institutions and retaliatory duties and legislation, together with the question of the mouth of the Mississippi, and diverse other questions, would produce and sustain continual war between them.
Our only hope, as our only safety, is to stand by, with unflinching devotion, the Union, the Constitution, and the laws of the land. There is no other safe position in these perilous times.
And now if come it may, in my judgement, we must meet it like men. It is a terrible calamity I admit, but it is not to be avoided by idle lamentations. We will not sit idly down, and see our country’s glory fade away. Nor will we by ignobly, forced and degrading concessions, stultify ourselves and turn back the tide of civilization, progress, and humanity.
This would indeed be worse than famine, pestilence, and war. Then, if not to be avoided fairly and honorably, up with the old flag, glorious with Revolutionary reminiscences!
Our father’s flag, the flag of Bunker Hill and New Orleans! The flag of Washington and of Jefferson – the Flag of the Union!
Organize – let our people be ready should the country call crush out treason, and to preserve the liberties of the land. In this most holy and patriotic task, the good men and Union men of all the States will be with us. No one can doubt the result. Through the storm and gloom of the present, I can clearly see the greatness and calm of the future. The Union will be preserved by our resolution and preparation for an attack, and will come out of the conflict if conflict there must be, more grand, more united than ever.
Yours, very respectfully,
James H. Campbell
Less than a week after Campbell wrote this letter, more Southern states began joining what would become a rebellious Confederacy, a wanna-be state calling itself the Confederate States of America. The ensuing crisis, known as the Secession Winter, was among the most perilous and chaotic in American history. On April 12, 1861, the crisis came to its conclusion. South Carolina military forces opened fire on their own countrymen at Fort Sumter, opening hostilities in the American Civil War.
More than 13,000 residents of Schuylkill County participated in the ensuing military conflict, fighting in most of the major engagements of the Civil War and helping to ensure a victory for the United States and the survival of the government under the Constitution.
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